Grew up in a cultural setting that shaped Ali Mazrui’s triple heritage thesis: Africa has reached a point where three major cultural influences—Euro-Christian, Islamic, and traditional African—are inextricably linked. This framework allowed for the mutually beneficial and respectful relationship that my great grandfather, a Christian, and my great grandmother, a Muslim, shared. It was a mutually reinforcing reciprocity in which both husband and wife assisted one other’s belief systems while also applying the basic moral truths of their religions to their children’s moral development. For anyone familiar with my remarks, it should be evident that I greatly reflect the ecumenical attitude that my grandparents and parents displayed in their relationships with one another another and within their cultural contexts.

What I just described is an example from a small segment of Nigerian society that is reproduced in various villages or towns across the country. As evidenced by the current unrest and controversy over the religious ties of presidential and governorship candidates, the Nigerian political landscape is unique. This call for religious representation is not new. It has played a significant role in Nigeria’s political growth, from Awolowo to MKO Abiola’s June 12 political saga. In other words, Nigeria’s political class has always been caught in a paradigm that simplistically asserts that religious ties determine the success or failure of any political position. This issue of political aspirants’ religious identification is taking on a new and dangerous dimension in the context of national dread, particularly over a supposed fulanisation or jihadist agenda that may have been unfolding in Nigeria during the last seven years or so. This concern is bolstered by the Federal Government’s apparent permissiveness in dealing with the rampaging criminalities of the Boko Haram militants, the herdsmen-farmers bloodbath, and the other banditry and kidnappings that have made Nigeria a dangerous place to live.

As 2023 approaches, the political landscape is already rife with controversy regarding the religious beliefs of the three presidential contenders and their selected vice presidential running mates. Senator Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress has chosen Senator Kashim Shettima, a fellow Muslim. In the Peoples Democratic Party, Alhaji Abubakar Atiku, a Muslim, chose Ifeanyi Okowa, a Christian from Delta State. Peter Obi of the Labour Party chose a northern Muslim as his running mate. This leaves Tinubu with the most contentious Muslim-Muslim ticket. For some concerned, particularly the Christian Association of Nigeria and others, a Muslim-Muslim ticket is a slap in the face of Nigeria’s religious dynamics. This dynamic is represented across the entire six geopolitical zones of Nigeria, from the South-East with an all-Christian ticket in all the states, to the North-West with an all-Muslim ticket, and the rest with a mixed configuration.

The underlying question is how religion became such a significant factor in electoral success. This is especially true given Nigeria’s self-proclaimed secularism. The secular creed not only distinguishes between state and religion, but it also defines religious beliefs and faith as personal and private. This implies that religious belief should not be regarded as having any significant function to play in the public realm, as people’s qualifications extend beyond their faith. My credentials as, example, a neurosurgeon should have nothing to do with my religion. Being a Muslim or a Christian does not increase my competence in dealing with the human brain. However, we are well aware that Nigeria is not a secular state. Religion, like race, has been discovered by successive governments to be a divisive mobilising instrument. When the Federal Government began to finance pilgrimages for both Christians and Muslims, religion moved from the private to the public sphere for Nigerian politicians, fueled by individuals who take religion very seriously.

The emphasis on religion contradicts the most essential element in party politics: electoral triumph. Politicians compete to win elections and gain political power. And, in doing so, their most important calculation is what political iterations could lead to the positions they desire. Religion is simply another variable in the mix that does not always count. Thus, even if Shettima were a strong Christian capable of delivering the North, Tinubu would have chosen the same choice. The key concern is Shettima’s ability to deliver a big number of votes for Tinubu and the APC. Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, as well as the other two contestants’ “balanced” tickets, are purely political in nature. Politicians seek to win elections at any cost. In this view, Tinubu is no less a politician; he is running for office.

With 2023 approaching and all of the outrage, we have a real opportunity to correct our electoral sensibilities and Nigeria’s destiny. That requires in-depth study on a number of topics, beginning with the Nigerian constitution’s guarantee for active secularism. The Constitution, like many of its sections, is conflicting on the question of religion in public life. While Section 10 expressly stipulates that “the Government of the Federation or of a State shall not adopt any religion as State Religion,” there are various clauses under the “Fundamental Directives” that direct the government to assist the enjoyment of religious advantages. As a result, the Nigerian state fails to establish a clear separation between religion and the state. Of course, secularism is under attack, even in societies with secular credentials. This is not to imply that Nigeria cannot select its own secular  construct in ways that respect her realities.

The second issue is a significant national reorientation toward religion as spiritual care rather than political posturing. This requires the attention of clergy from the major religions. It should be recognized that CAN is not without fault in elevating religion to the status of a national issue in Nigerian politics, which is sad. Christians and Muslims will profit equally if the country is led by capable leaders. We should all be more concerned with true qualities that guarantee governing capacity, rather than debating whether a politician is Christian or Muslim. It is worth emphasizing that African traditionalists among us have not joined the call for the expression of their religious identity. Perhaps this has a lot to do with the natural scope of African traditional religions. Religion’s significance as a private enterprise is lost when it is turned into political posturing. More than that, it introduces it into a context where it serves no governing purpose.

In light of this, we should consider the aspirants’ choices. Indeed, there is some validity in admiring Tinubu’s fortitude in denouncing the potential implications of a Muslim-Muslim ticket in order to pursue the political calculation that will win him victory in the upcoming elections. If he wins, perhaps Nigerians will realize that it is past time to put an end to the fictitious role that religion and religious affiliation have played in our national affairs. After all, we have a precedent in MKO Abiola’s daring calculation and Alhaji Babagana Kingibe’s choice, which resulted in a victory unlike any other in Nigerian political history on June 12. It appears that we did not learn the lesson that political leadership should be based on who can improve our well-being, not their religious convictions.

This takes me to the third issue that should raise serious concerns as we approach the 2023 elections. This involves revisiting the role of ideology and issue-based campaigning in  party politics.

As the campaign season progresses, the attention has unfortunately stayed on the religious identities of the candidates and their running mates. There is also a lot of emphasis on organizing Nigerians to obtain their permanent voter cards. But what good are the PVCs if we don’t know what the aspirants are bringing to the table? What makes them electable if not their programmes, which are built on certain ideological and practical frameworks and dynamics? This should be the season for debates and discourses on specific problems about how to fix Nigeria, as well as activities aimed at improving Nigerians’ quality of life. How would the aspirants address Nigeria’s insecurity? What about micro and macroeconomic policy concerns? The naira is already in freefall! What about education, particularly the future of higher education as a source of qualitative human capital development? What ideological perspective will enable applicants to contribute to public service reform?

These are the real topics that we need to test the applicants on. If we don’t question them about important topics and their plans for improving our lives, our prayers will be insufficient when they fail.