With the 2023 general election approaching, one of the most significant topics of the modern sociopolitical era—namely, should women not play more active roles in politics—has once again gained attention. Princess Grace Adejoh, a columnist, described the Gender Equality Bill as “an astronomical apolitical stance and aberration against, as well as a separation of Nigerian women participating in politics, which is academically, legislatively, constitutionally, statutorily, and actorally reprehensible to say the least” after the National Assembly recently rejected it. Rivers State’s executive governor, Nyesom Wike, criticized the rejection as well, describing it as a major setback for the country’s democratic growth.

One of President Goodluck Jonathan’s most important proposals from the 2014 National Conference was the need to establish a constitution that will ensure equity, fairness, and justice for all Nigerians. Recognizing that discrimination on the basis of sex, religion, or ethnicity is not fully prevented by the current constitutional protections, the recommendation was made in order to guarantee that Nigerians from all backgrounds participate equally in all national endeavors. It is evident that discrimination against women persists to this day, especially with regard to their participation in politics.
Because of this, I will keep talking about this topic, which still worries many Nigerians, especially women, who are incensed about the limited chances available to them for participating in politics in a meaningful way in their country.
Unquestionably, women are involved in Nigerian politics in some way, which is why I used the word “effectively.” Nearly every political party in Nige ria has a vibrant women’s wing that works to support and organize the party’s base of female supporters. Ultimately, it is widely recognized that women comprise a substantial proportion of any political or electoral group. It is unfortunate, though, that political parties seem satisfied to provide women titles such as “Chief Women Organiser,” “Deputy Women Leader,” and “Women Leader,” without really providing them with an opportunity to contribute politically to the advancement of this nation. Even more distressing, based on existing data, is the potential for our women to now perceive themselves as obedient participants in political plots, with no voice and little visibility, all due to years of social pressure to adhere to outdated notions about women’s place in society.

Fortunately, I felt a great lot of satisfaction from the growing public discourse over women’s roles in politics. The women themselves are starting this discourse, demonstrating that Nigerian women are conscious of the possible advantages of being more involved in politics. Additionally, they don’t want to wait around for these possibilities, which history shows are rarely granted freely and must be requested and, when granted, protected.
Before and after Nigeria’s independence, the subject of women in politics has been a topic of discussion. On the one hand, ardent advocates for women’s rights argue that every effort should be made to guarantee increased female participation in politics. While political office can only be obtained by voting in elections, those in the middle agree that Nigerian women should have greater opportunity to engage in the country’s government and that more work needs to be done to give these opportunities.

On the other end of the spectrum are those who think women should only be permitted in the house—in the other room—and should not be involved in politics at all. Though it may sound archaic, a well-known figure in the South-West declared out loud in 2010 that he would never allow his wife to work in politics. This viewpoint is similar to the defense put up by a member of the House of Representatives for the rejection of the Gender Equality Bill and other legislation of a similar nature, stating that the bills’ failure to pass constitutional amendment was due to the “complexity in society.”
This group of people usually believes that women in leadership positions are overly demanding and unyielding. Upon close inspection of the data furnished by the Independent National Electoral Commission, it becomes evident why this conversation is required. In 1999, the percentage of women holding contested offices was a mere 3%. In 2003, the percentage rose to 4%, and by 2007, it had further risen to 6%. But since 1999, no woman has been selected to serve as governor of any state in Nigeria.

Despite the fact that a few women have run for and been elected to the Houses of Assembly in several states, there is currently relatively little representation for them. There were no female members of the Houses of Assemblies in the states of Adamawa, Cross River, Ebonyi, Jigawa, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Nasarawa, Oyo, Sokoto, Yobe, and Zamfara in 2003.
Pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial women’s political participation Nigerian women were heavily involved in shaping their communities’ political systems in the pre-colonial era. In pre-colonial Borno, for example, women were actively involved in state administration and served to supplement the duties played by men.

But as colonialism spread, women’s political engagement—and more precisely, their disenfranchisement—started to steadily erode. Chief (Mrs.) Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti of the Western Nigerian House of Chiefs, Chief (Mrs.) Margaret Ekpo of the Eastern Nigerian House of Chiefs, and Janet Mokelu of the Northern Nigerian House of Chiefs were the three women who had only recently been nominated to the House of Chiefs in the 1950s. Women, on the other hand, increased their participation in the post-colonial era.

During the Second Republic, few women were elected to the House of Representatives and the Houses of Assembly. Moreover, two female candidates were selected to be Federal Ministers. They were Chief (Mrs.) Janet Akinrinde, the Minister of Internal Affairs, and Mrs. Adenike Ebun Oyagbola.

The first formal quota system for women’s participation in governance was put into place under the military regime headed by Buhari. Under this system, the Executive Council of each state had to have a minimum of one female member. With the restoration of democracy in 1999, there was optimism that women would become more influential in politics. However, Nigeria has not adopted the National Gender Policy’s (NGP) recommendation for 35 percent affirmative action in appointed posts in the public sector as well as elected political office, nor has it adopted the Beijing Declaration from the Fourth World Conference on Women.

In comparison to continental and global averages, Nigerian women’s political participation is lower, according to a report published by Gender Strategy Advancement International, or GSAI. The report notes that the average percentage of women in elective and appointed positions in Nigeria is still 6.7 percent, which is much lower than the regional and global norms of 23.4 percent for Africa and 15 per cent for West Africa. “The underrepresentation of women in political participation gained root due to the patriarchal practices inherent in our society, many of which were obvious from the pre-colonial era till date,” the report explained in reference to Nigeria’s low ranking. One might anticipate more success in Nigeria’s pursuit of more female political participation given the numerous discussions, initiatives, and policy directives from the government.

In summary
It should come as no surprise that there are little statistics on women participating in Nigerian politics. There is still more to be done to improve women’s access to political involvement. It appears that there aren’t any additional options for women to run for office despite the significant and overwhelmingly female turnout at most political events. The recently finished party primaries effectively illustrated the male-dominated political landscape in Nigeria. One of the recognized barriers to women’s increased political participation is Nigeria’s patriarchal structure. Other variables that contribute include political upheaval, low levels of education, and restrictions based on culture and religion. Nonetheless, for Nigerian women to fully participate in the political landscape of their country, there must be a conducive atmosphere. This might be made a reality by adding quotas in our legislation requiring the involvement of women at all levels of government and by involving other critical stakeholders like political parties and INEC to enforce strict compliance. In addition, it is critical to support women’s political and economic liberation as well as their protection from violence. In order to support women’s effective participation in politics in both elective and appointed roles, it is also necessary to evaluate and amend all existing legislation.